Airport And In Town Service Town to Town City To City Airport To Airport

Airport And In Town Service Town to Town City To City Airport To Airport Taxi Service Shuttle To Every Place Flat Rates Great Specials And Fixed Rates More »

Student Transport And Flat Rates Discounts To Duke University Campus And NCCU University

Student Transport And Flat Rates Discounts To Duke University Campus And NCCU University Wannamaker Firelane | Edens Firlane | West Campus | Cohen Firlane | Duke North | Duke Law School | Duke Fuquay School Of Business | Duke Medicine | Duke Eye Center | Duke VA Hospital | Duke Emergency | Duke East Campus | Duke Gelbort Adoms | Duke Black Well | Duke South Gate | Duke Central Campus | The Compound More »

Medical And Wheelchair Service Non Emergency Regular Taxi Service

Medical And Wheelchair Service Non Emergency Regular Taxi Service Pickup And Drop Off Non Emergency Taxi Shuttle Service From To Retirement Homes And nursing Homes Also Hospital Appointment And Doctor Appointment Pickup And Drop Off Great Rates Flat Rates Up To 35% More »

Courier Service And Package Delivery Flat Rates Per Mile Great Discount Guaranteed

Courier Service And Package Delivery Flat Rates Per Mile Great Discount Guaranteed Call Us For Estimate Package Delivery And Flat Rates We Working All Over Around The O\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'Clock Call Any Time Any Where! More »

Taxi Service Fleet That\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s Ready To Meet Your Taxi And Shuttle Transportation Needs

Taxi Service Fleet That\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s Ready To Meet Your Taxi And Shuttle Transportation Needs Call Any Time Any Where We Are Here To Serve Your Needs Of Transportation! More »


Monthly Archives: August 2014

Forging Hispanic communities in new destinations: A case study of Durham, NC

Forging Hispanic communities in new destinations: A case study of Durham, NC

Theoretical considerations

The Chicago School of urban sociology, and its expansion into the spatial assimilation model, has long been the dominant paradigm for understanding the formation of ethnic communities and the spatial mobility of immigrants as they incorporate into U.S. society. As early at the 1920s, the Chicago School drew attention to the ways in which technological, political, economic, and cultural forces structure the spatial configuration of cities, and how this spatial configuration, in turn, shapes the social and economic behavior of urban residents (Park, Burgess, and McKenzie 1925). In its classic formulation the theory emphasized the centrality of “social integration” and focused on concepts such as social disorganization, ecological succession, and market-regulated social differentiation to understand the spatial position of immigrant groups (Walton 1993). Urban development and incorporation was explained in ecological terms where the spatial location of groups was a simple reflection of their free market position in terms of resources and abilities, and inequality among places was regarded as a natural consequence of functional differentiation (Logan and Molotch 1987: 6).

The geographic representation of this market-ordered space is best exemplified in Ernest Burgess’ concentric circles model of urban development (1925). The model provided one of the earliest, and most iconic, representations of the spatial configuration of American cities. Burgess observed that different land uses radiated out of the city center in a series of concentric circles closely related to property values. At the center of the city lay the central business district, ringed by factories and progressively nicer residential housing. Immigrants tended to settle in the inner ring, or “zone in transition,” because it was proximate to heavy industry and contained low-rent, dilapidated housing. As a particular immigrant group gained U.S. experience and moved up the socio-economic ladder they would move outward to subsequent rings of modest working class homes and the suburban periphery, and the next wave of immigrants would enter the zone of transition.

This model was expanded upon by subsequent Chicago School theorists such as Zorbaugh and Hoyt, among others, who elaborated on how natural boundaries such as railroad tracks and sectors of development shaped urban land uses (Hoyt, 1939Zorbaugh, 1926). Homer Hoyt in particular noted the tendency for cities to grow in a star-shaped manner in association with highways and other venues of transportation radiating from the center. Harris and Ullman (1945), recognizing considerable variation across metropolitan areas, argued that cities often contained multiple nuclei that emerge in connection with land use patterns and social and historical forces.

For understanding the experience of immigrants, though, the emphasis on neighborhoods and neighborhood succession provided concrete and empirically identifiable connections between the spatial configuration of cities and residents’ socioeconomic position. The free market and integrationist underpinnings of the classical Chicago School, however, came seriously into question during the 1960s and 1970s, a period marked by racial and ethnic conflict, urban rioting, deindustrialization, and fiscal crises. Influenced by a Marxian political economy perspective, a new wave of urban scholars argued that the urban system was not a product of natural forces but rather the spatial manifestation of inequalities embedded within capitalist forms of social relations (Castells 1977;Lefebvre 1991; McQuarrie and Marwell 2009). Cities were situated within a hierarchical global system that shaped the accumulation, circulation, and distribution of both capital and labor. The position of immigrants within cities was not merely a derivative of their socioeconomic endowments but instead directly connected to their particular role in global capitalist development. The end product was more explicit attention to the role of political processes, power elites, and class conflict in shaping the urban landscape.

While the Chicago School and political economy approach clashed over the forces shaping urban settlement patterns, their arguments about the formation and evolution of immigrant communities were not completely incompatible (McQuarrie and Marwell 2009). In fact, there have been many attempts to bridge the two perspectives. Rather than moving away from the spatial processes described by the Chicago School these integrated approaches highlighted the structural processes, such as racial inequality in the housing market or differential capital investments that undergird observed patterns of spatial differentiation (Logan & Molotch 1987).

The spatial assimilation model, in particular, provided a clear and empirically testable theoretical integration of the Chicago School and conflict perspectives as they related to immigrant settlement patterns (Massey, 1985). Immediately after arrival, most immigrants have both extremely limited market resources and social and cultural capital that are ethnically bounded. Both of these factors encourage the formation and maintenance of ethnic communities, where newcomers reside while they become adapted to the United States. However, opportunities and resources are unevenly distributed across the urban landscape; different neighborhoods confer differential prestige, home values, city and other public services (including quality education), physical safety, and access to employment and a variety of amenities. As people advance economically, they endeavor to translate their gains in financial status into gains in residential status in order to procure access to those resources and opportunities (Massey 1985Massey and Denton 1993). Thus residence in ethnic neighborhoods or enclaves is expected to be temporary; a stepping stone to higher quality accommodations that immigrants seek to leave once they improve their financial and social situation. As a particular ethnic group advances spatially, they create vacancies that can be filled by newer waves of immigrants. Thus while a neighborhood may succeed from one ethnicity or national origin group to another, it retains its immigrant character. Because higher quality housing tends to be located outside of densely packed inner urban neighborhoods, upward movement generally entails outward movement. While spatial assimilation is a function of these individual socioeconomic processes, it is contingent on features of the larger city context, such as racial discrimination in the housing market, industrial organization, capital investments, and government policies.

Recent scholarship falling under the umbrella of the Los Angeles school, however, has raised important challenges to the Chicago School model stemming from shifting intra-metropolitan settlement patterns. Specifically, since World War II industrial restructuring and the widespread use of automobiles have fundamentally transformed urban areas, and potentially the relationship between cities and behavior. In contemporary post-modern cities decentralized freeways replaced the hub and spoke system creating a sprawling urban area characterized by multiple nuclei of concentration rather than a single central business district, single use as opposed to mixed use zoning, low rather than high density, and horizontal access as opposed to the vertical profiles (Dear 19962002Fogelson 1967;Fulton 1997Gottdiener and Klephart 1991Scott and Soja 1996Soja 1989Sorkin 1992). As these cities grow, their multiple centers may increase in density and form mini-business districts of their own, but overall centripetal forces prevail, pulling jobs and other amenities ever outward toward suburban and edge communities.

Spatial form is far from the only concern in these works. Much of the Los Angeles school focuses on cultural and political implications of the post-modern urban form, and issues of fragmentation, governance, and fortification. For spatial analysis though the image of the contemporary city is that of a “patchwork quilt of low-density suburban communities stretching over an extraordinarily irregular terrain” tied together by freeways (Soja 1996: 433), very different from the pre-World War II city described by the Chicago School. Moreover, the city no longer functions as a unified whole, a coherent regional system in which the center organizes its hinterland. Instead, there is no order or reason; development occurs in a non-linear, chaotic, and haphazard manner, resulting in massive disjointed regions that often defy the traditional conception of a single “city” (Dear 1996). In this conceptualization, Los Angeles is not the exception but the new rule for development in the post-modern age. As Garreau put it, “every single American city that is growing, is growing in the fashion of Los Angeles, with multiple urban cores” (1991: 3). Not even the present-day Chicago metropolitan area, it can be argued, conforms to the single-centered concentric rings model of yore (Gans 2002).

One possibility is that these changes in the spatial location of opportunities have altered the settlement patterns of recent immigrants. Post-war cities are not only polycentric they are also polycultural; as cities themselves become more fragmented so too have the forces of assimilation; with both the return of large scale immigration and the advent of significant capital investment from abroad, immigrant groups no longer spread outward through an orderly process of invasion and succession, but rather retain their ethnic character over time and across space (Dear, 1996).

Indeed, a spate of recent studies has painted a mixed portrait of immigrant settlement patterns that seems to challenge some of the tenets of the Chicago School and spatial assimilation models. On the one hand, among Hispanics factors such as higher socioeconomic status, English language proficiency, and nativity predict residence in neighborhoods with higher incomes, lower crime, and greater integration with non-Hispanic whites, supporting the spatial assimilation model (Alba et al. 19941999Denton & Massey 1998Logan & Alba 1993;Rosenbaum & Friedman 2001;South, Crowder, and Chavez 2005). On the other hand, immigrants are increasingly bypassing central cities and moving directly to suburbs; by 2000 more immigrants lived in suburbs than in cities, and growth rates there were higher than in cities (Suro 2004). Some have gone so far as to argue that rising concentrations of ethnic groups in the suburbs constitutes a new form of ethnic neighborhoods, the “ethnoburb” (Li 1998). And finally, many ethnic communities are not, as predicted by the spatial assimilation model, disadvantaged. Contemporary immigration streams include a number of relatively highly skilled, affluent national origin groups. These immigrants often reside in ethnic neighborhoods not out of necessity, but by choice, and the neighborhoods can average higher incomes and property values than non-ethnic communities (Logan, Zhang, and Alba 2002Yu 2006). Indeed, spatial assimilation and increased contact with non-Hispanic whites are no longer as tightly paired as they once were, especially in metropolitan areas that have received large numbers of immigrants in recent years (Alba, Logan & Stults 2000).

These patterns raise the question of whether differences between sprawling post-modern and centralized pre-industrial cities engender a fundamental reordering of the way in which immigrant communities develop, or whether differences are mostly superficial while the essential processes sorting groups across space remain the same (Sampson 2002). While a number of previous studies examine the locational attainment of Hispanics, few consider the spatial distribution of immigrant populations within a particular metropolitan area. What is particularly lacking is an examination of the formation and evolution of immigrant communities in new destinations, which are not only decentralized and sprawling but also lack a previous history of immigrant settlement (Waters & Jimenez 2005), potentially further undermining the validity of the spatial assimilation model.

We address the issue by conducting an in-depth social history of the formation and early evolution of Hispanic neighborhoods in Durham, NC. Our overall objective is not to settle decisively on the relative merits of the Chicago or Los Angeles models. After all, both schools of thought are broad and address not only the spatial distribution of groups but also urbanism and community, racial and ethnic conflict, governance and social fragmentation, and a number of other urban issues. There was also considerable overlap in their visions of cities. Rather, our objective is more modest; to provide an original, in-depth, historical account of the relationship between urban form and spatial dynamics in a new southern destination and their implications for models of immigrant settlement.

Contrasting predictions about the spatial pattern of immigrant settlement in new destinations can be drawn from these two models. The Chicago School would expect the emergence of a delineated “zone of transition” that acts as a port of entry for newly arriving immigrants. At the same time, the Chicago school would expect the spatial distribution of Hispanic immigrant neighborhoods in Durham to follow an orderly pattern related to the spatial assimilation model; as immigrants gain in resources and experience they would move out of this transition zone attracted by the neighborhood amenities available where majority groups reside in a pattern that should show some resemblance to concentric circles. The post-modern Los Angeles school, in contrast, places much greater emphasis on the lack of order and contiguity. The absence of preexisting immigrant quarters combined with the dearth of concentrated industrial employment would lead to scattered immigrant settlements within emerging destinations. While immigrants would still enter the region through inexpensive housing and move to better accommodations as they progress, the lack of order in multi-nucleated cities would suggest that there will be no discernable spatial pattern to this movement. Immigrant settlement would reflect the “quasi-random field of opportunities” (Dear and Flusty 1998: 66) that characterize the modern metropolis, and resemble a gaming board lacking in centralization, rather than orderly spread from an initial port of entry.

Rdu_Airport) to #Fuquay_varina_Nc #taxi_Fixed_rate Only ($59 – $65) #Horus_taxi #Taxi_phone_numbers_fuquay_varina_nc #Rdu_taxi_services (919-637-8833)

(Taxi and transportation Services From #Rdu_Airport) to #Fuquay_varina_Nc #taxi_Fixed_rate Only ($59 – $65)

Taxi and transportation Services From #Millennium_Hotel_Campus_walk_AVE_Crossing & #Morrenee_Road) #taxi_Fixed_rate Only ($28 – $33) #Horus_taxi #Taxi_phone_numbers (919-637-8833)

(Taxi and transportation Services From #Millennium_Hotel_Campus_walk_AVE_Crossing & #Morrenee_Road) #taxi_Fixed_rate Only ($28 – $33)

What’s MD5#

#MD5#? Horus Taxi is Durham’s premier local taxi service. We specialize in local services, airport services, package delivery, seniors services, and even out of town pick up and drop offs. If you need a ride across town, to the airport, or anywhere else Horus Taxi offers clean, comfortable cars with a smooth ride and courteous, experienced drivers.
Call us at (919-637-8833)

42 Principles of Maat 2000 years before Ten Commandments

42 Principles of Maat 2000 years before Ten Commandments

The Ten Commandments, eight of them at least, were taken from the Egyptian Principles of Ma’atwritten at least 2000 years earlier.

180px-maatsvg.pngWritten at least 2,000 years before the Ten Commandments of Moses, the 42 Principles of Ma’at are one of Africa’s, and the world’s, oldest sources of moral and spiritual instruction. Ma’at, the Ancient Egyptian divine Principle of Truth, Justice, and Righteousness, is the foundation of natural and social order and unity. Ancient Africans developed a humane system of thought and conduct which has been recorded in volumes of African wisdom literature, such as, these declarations from the Book of Coming Forth By Day (the so-called Book of the Dead), The Teachings of Ptah-Hotep, the writings of Ani, Amenemope, Merikare, and others.

One aspect of ancient Egyptian funerary literature which often is mistaken for a codified ethic of Ma’at is Chapter 125 of the Book of the Dead, often called the 42 Declarations of Purity or the Negative Confession. These declarations varied somewhat from tomb to tomb, and so can not be considered a canonical definition of Ma’at. Rather, they appear to express each tomb owner’s individual conception of Ma’at, as well as working as a magical absolution (misdeeds or mistakes made by the tomb owner in life could be declared as not having been done, and through the power of the written word, wipe that particular misdeed from the afterlife record of the deceased).

Many of the lines are similar, however, and they can help to give the student a “flavor” for the sorts of things which Ma’at governed—essentially everythingfrom the most formal to the most mundane aspect of life.

Many versions are given on-line, unfortunately seldom do they note the tomb from which they came or, whether they are a collection from various different tombs. – wiki

Here is one collection to give you the general idea:

File:Moses bas-relief in the U.S. House of Representatives chamber.jpg

Moses marble bas-relief, one of 23 reliefs of great historical lawgivers in the chamber of the U.S. House of Representatives in the United States Capitol. Sculpted by Jean de Marco in 1950. Diameter 28 inches. He’s very pale and has a beard.

I have not done iniquity.
I have not robbed with violence.
I have not stolen.
I have not made any to suffer pain.
I have not defrauded offerings.
I have done no murder nor bid anyone to slay on my behalf.
I have not trimmed the measure.
I have not spoken lies I have not robbed God.
I have not caused the shedding of tears.
I have not dealt deceitfully.
I have not acted guilefully.
I have not laid waste to the land.
I have not set my lips against anyone.
I have not been angry or wrathful without a just cause.
I have not lusted nor defiled the wife of any man.
I have not polluted myself.
I have not caused terror.
I have not done that which is abominable.
I have not multiplied words exceedingly.
I have never uttered fiery words.
I have not judged hastily.
I have not transgressed nor have I vexed or angered God.
I have not stopped my ears against the words of Right and Truth .
I have not burned with rage.
I have not worked grief.
I have not acted with insolence.
I have not avenged myself.
I have not stirred up strife.
I have not been an eavesdropper.
I have not wronged the people
I have done no harm nor have I done evil
I have not worked treason.
I have never fouled the water.
I have not spoken scornfully.
I have never cursed God.
I have not behaved with arrogance.
I have not envied or craved for that which belongs to another.
I have not filched food from the mouth of the infant.
I have done no hurt unto man, nor wrought harm unto beasts.
I have never magnified my condition beyond what was fitting.

Here is a different translation showing how they correlate with the 10 commandments. Moses, if he existed, (there is no undisputed historical/archaeological evidence that he did), was an Egyptian. According to stories, he was adopted by an Egyptian royal family. If that were true he would have been familiar with these principles. If there was no historical Moses, then others most likely borrowed a few if the Principles of Maat when composing the Ten Commandments.

I.  Thou shalt not kill, nor bid anyone kill.
II.  Thou shalt not commit adultery or rape.
III. Thou shalt not avenge thyself nor burn with rage.
IV. Thou shalt not cause terror.
V. Thou shalt not assault anyone nor cause anyone pain.
VI. Thou shalt not cause misery.
VII. Thou shalt not do any harm to man or to animals.
VIII. Thou shalt not cause the shedding of tears.
IX. Thou shalt not wrong the people nor bear them any evil intent.
X. Thou shalt not steal nor take that which does not belong to you.
XI. Thou shalt not take more than thy fair share of food.
XII. Thou shalt not damage the crops, the fields, or the trees.
XIII. Thou shalt not deprive anyone of what is rightfully theirs.
XIV. Thou shalt not bear false witness, nor support false allegations.
XV. Thou shalt not lie, nor speak falsely to the hurt of another.
XVI. Thou shalt not use fiery words nor stir up any strife.
XVII. Thou shalt not speak or act deceitfully to the hurt of another.
XVIII. Thou shalt not speak scornfully against others.
XIX. Thou shalt not eavesdrop.
XX. Thou shalt not ignore the truth or words of righteousness.
XXI. Thou shalt not judge anyone hastily or harshly.
XXII. Thou shalt not disrespect sacred places.
XXIII. Thou shalt cause no wrong to be done to any workers or prisoners.
XXIV. Thou shalt not be angry without good reason.
XXV. Thou shalt not hinder the flow of running water.
XXVI. Thou shalt not waste the running water.
XXVII. Thou shalt not pollute the water or the land.
XXVIII. Thou shalt not take God’s name in vain.
XXIX. Thou shalt not despise nor anger God.
XXX. Thou shalt not steal from God.
XXXI. Thou shalt not give excessive offerings nor less than what is due.
XXXII. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor’s goods.
XXXIII. Thou shalt not steal from nor disrespect the dead.
XXXIV. Thou shalt remember and observe the appointed holy days.
XXXV. Thou shalt not hold back the offerings due God.
XXXVI. Thou shalt not interfere with sacred rites.
XXXVII. Thou shalt not slaughter with evil intent any sacred animals.
XXXVIII. Thou shalt not act with guile or insolence.
XXXIX. Thou shalt not be unduly proud nor act with arrogance.
XL. Thou shalt not magnify your condition beyond what is appropriate.
XLI. Thou shalt do no less than your daily obligations require.
XLII. Thou shalt obey the law and commit no treason.

Horus Taxi A Plus Taxi Need transportation? Forget the rest, ride with the Best

Horus Taxi A Plus Taxi Need transportation? Forget the rest, ride with the Best

Durham Cab service Horus taxi the FALCON RDU specials for duke students save 20% and more on out of town

Durham Cab service Horus taxi the FALCON  RDU specials for duke students save 20% and more on out of town
Call (919-637-8833)
Or visit our website for booking 

Duke university to Raleigh-Durham international Airport Only $29) Call(919-637-8833)

(Duke university to Raleigh-Durham international Airport Only $29)

Effective quick and timed taxi we take credit cards student 35%Off

“Horus Taxi LLC Effective quick and timed taxi we take credit cards student 35% Off”
Call (919-637-8833)

Horus Taxi LLC Fast, Friendly, & Affordable Rides. Now With The Lowest Prices in Town!”

“Horus Taxi LLC Fast, Friendly, & Affordable Rides. Now With The Lowest Prices in Town!”
Call cheapest Ride Ever Up to ($1.25 A Mile for Long distance)
And ($1.55 for short distance)  we are best in town
Give Us a call any time at (919-637-8833)